Ruto’s Divide-and-Rule? Kiambu’s Secession Plan Shakes Mount Kenya

The idea came to light during an August 7  meeting at State House, where over 6,000 grassroots leaders from Kiambu were in attendance. Kiambu County, both a political and economic heavyweight, has historically been central to the Mount Kenya region, which includes counties like Nyeri, Kirinyaga, Murang’a, Nyandarua, and Laikipia. The region’s 2.8 million votes were instrumental in Ruto’s 2022 victory, due in large part to the mobilisation efforts of his then-deputy, Rigathi Gachagua.

Wamatangi last week received a reprieve after the Director of Public Prosecutions, Renson Ingonga last week directed the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) to conduct further investigations into alleged corruption the county chief was involved in corruption.

The governor has in the EACC’s radar over a Sh1.27 billion tender he is reported to have been awarded through family proxies when he was serving as Kiambu senator in 2017. But most recently, he has been fingered over allegations of irregular procurement and dubious payments amounting to Sh1.5 billion.
EACC wants him for reported conflict of interest, procurement irregularities, and abuse of office.

However, it is not lost to pundits that following Gachagua’s 2024 impeachment on charges of tribalism and corruption, Ruto’s ties with the region were significantly weakened, prompting a strategic pivot. The push to treat Kiambu as a standalone political entity is widely viewed as Ruto’s attempt to undercut Gachagua’s regional influence while consolidating support from Kiambu’s 1.5 million voters ahead of 2027.

Two Kiambu MPs, Elijah Kururia (Gatundu North) and Gabriel Njoroge (Gatundu South), recently held a press conference advocating for Kiambu’s formal recognition as a distinct region. They argued that the county’s large voter population, reportedly greater than the combined total of Nyeri, Kirinyaga, Nyandarua, and Laikipia, along with its significant economic contribution, justifies its elevated status.

Njoroge emphasised the need for increased government funding, stating, “Kiambu’s rapid social and economic growth, second only to Nairobi, demands infrastructure that matches its needs.” The MPs also called for more senior government positions, including Cabinet and Principal Secretary roles, to reflect the county’s national importance.
The State House meeting echoed these sentiments, with Kindiki and Ichung’wah endorsing the secession proposal. They framed it as a way to unlock Kiambu’s potential, highlighting projects such as the Mau Mau Road and County Aggregation and Industrial Parks (CAIPs) as evidence of Ruto’s commitment to the county.

Political analysts see the move as part of a broader divide-and-rule strategy, similar to Ruto’s previous attempt to split Luo Nyanza after the 2022 elections. That effort, which aimed to divide the region into South (Migori, Homa Bay) and Central (Siaya, Kisumu) to weaken opposition leader Raila Odinga’s hold, ultimately failed due to strong local resistance.

Now, Ruto appears to be deploying a similar tactic in Mount Kenya, seeking to fragment it into Mount Kenya East, Mount Kenya West, and Kiambu. Such a split could erode the traditional political unity of the Gikuyu, Embu, Meru, and Aembu (GEMA) communities, long considered one of Kenya’s most formidable voting blocs.

Ruto’s strategy hinges on elevating loyal regional leaders to counter Gachagua’s resurgence. In Mount Kenya East, Kindiki (from Tharaka Nithi) has been positioned as Ruto’s point man, although his influence is limited by the county’s marginal status within the GEMA alliance.

In Kiambu, Ichung’wah has emerged as the central figure. However, his support for the unpopular 2024 Finance Bill, which sparked national protests, has made him a divisive figure, complicating Ruto’s plans.
Meanwhile, Gachagua is staging a comeback through his Ituungati movement, which frames him as the defender of Mount Kenya’s interests in the face of what he calls Ruto’s betrayal. Analysts suggest that isolating Kiambu, where Gachagua’s support is weakest, could allow Ruto to retain his vote while weakening Gachagua’s broader appeal.

This may be critical: a political analyst told The Weekly Vision that Ruto’s approval in Central Kenya has fallen by 18% since 2023. Kiambu and Murang’a are now seen as high-risk rebellion zones. Supporters of the proposal argue that Kiambu’s economic strength, bolstered by its proximity to Nairobi and its thriving agriculture and industry, justifies greater political autonomy.

Elijah Kururia stated, “Kiambu’s voter strength and economic contributions warrant recognition akin to Nairobi’s. We need infrastructure, jobs, and representation that reflect our status.” Proponents also highlight Ruto’s major investments, such as the KSh5 billion Mau Mau Road and KSh500 million CAIPs, as signs of his commitment to Kiambu’s development.

Ichung’wah has been vocal in promoting the idea, portraying it as a way to politically and economically empower the county. At the State House meeting, he urged grassroots leaders to align fully with Ruto’s Kenya Kwanza coalition to maintain Kiambu’s relevance in national politics.

ICT Cabinet Secretary William Kabogo has also entered the fray, challenging Gachagua’s influence in Kiambu and accusing him of pursuing divisive politics. Supporters believe that secession would allow Kiambu to negotiate directly with the national government, bypassing competing interests from other Mount Kenya counties.

The proposal has faced stiff opposition from Gachagua’s allies and other Mount Kenya leaders, who view it as both divisive and regressive. Kiambu Senator Karungo wa Thang’wa, a staunch Gachagua supporter, criticised the move on X (formerly Twitter), stating: “Ruto’s plan to isolate Kiambu is a return to the Kiambu Mafia era of Jomo Kenyatta’s time. The mountain is united and will not be divided.”

The “Kiambu Mafia” reference alludes to fears of elite dominance and the political marginalisation of other Mount Kenya counties. Gachagua has dismissed Ruto’s actions as “recycled political scripts” intended to manipulate voters. At a recent rally in Thika, he accused Ruto of using development projects as tools of political control, calling meetings with religious leaders in Kiambaa and Kabete little more than vote-buying exercises.

Mount Kenya has a history of bloc voting, and Gachagua’s grassroots campaign remains robust. Ruto’s appointment of figures such as Mutahi Kagwe and Lee Kinyanjui to Cabinet roles was meant to project inclusivity, but critics argue they lack political muscle and grassroots appeal—some even branding them as “political rejects.”

His Ituungati movement continues to gain traction, particularly in Nyeri and Murang’a, where he enjoys strong grassroots support. Additional resistance comes from concerns over regional disunity. Murang’a Senator Joe Nyutu and Githunguri MP Gathoni Wa Muchomba have accused Ruto of prioritising political survival over development, pointing to unfulfilled promises on agriculture and youth employment.

A 2025 opinion poll shows growing voter apathy among young people in Mount Kenya, along with signs of shifting ethnic voting patterns—both of which could threaten Ruto’s 2022 72% vote share in Kiambu.
Critics argue that secession could weaken the GEMA community’s collective bargaining power and play into the hands of opposition coalitions come 2027.

Ruto’s Kiambu strategy is just one element of a wider campaign to rebuild his base ahead of 2027. His April 2025 tour of Mount Kenya, which included stops in Kiambu and Nyeri, was deliberately designed to sidestep constituencies like Mathira, where Gachagua remains popular.

The tour showcased projects like fresh produce markets and the Mau Mau Road in an effort to deflect criticism of neglect. However, moments of public hostility, such as heckling directed at Ichung’wah in Kiambu and Ann Muratha in Ol Kalou, exposed simmering discontent.

In a further bid to consolidate support, Ruto has sought a rapprochement with former President Uhuru Kenyatta, whose lingering influence in Kiambu remains substantial. Kenyatta’s calls for inclusive governance and reform of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) align with Ruto’s attempts to broaden his coalition by winning over voters in Nyanza and Western Kenya.

However, analysts are sceptical. Mount Kenya has a history of bloc voting, and Gachagua’s grassroots campaign remains robust. Ruto’s appointment of figures such as Mutahi Kagwe and Lee Kinyanjui to Cabinet roles was meant to project inclusivity, but critics argue they lack political muscle and grassroots appeal—some even branding them as “political rejects.”

This has left Ruto increasingly reliant on controversial figures like Ichung’wah, whose popularity has waned. Ruto’s push for Kiambu’s secession is a bold political manoeuvre. If successful, it could solidify his grip on a critical voting bloc and diminish Gachagua’s influence. But it also risks alienating other parts of Mount Kenya and fracturing a historically united voting base.

As Moses Kuria recently warned, the region’s six million voters will not offer automatic support, especially against the backdrop of economic hardship and rising public frustration. As the countdown to 2027 begins, Ruto faces a delicate balancing act: delivering tangible development while countering a powerful narrative of betrayal taking root in his former stronghold.

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